Who Handles Noise Complaints

The Lagos State Environmental Protection Agency (LASEPA) investigates noise complaints. It treats worship centres, clubs, hotels and neighbours under the same rules, and it has sealed several churches and mosques over noise in the past.

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How to Report Noise in Lagos

1. Start with a calm word. If it’s safe, speak to the pastor, imam, manager or neighbour first. Many issues end there, and the conversation also shows you tried.
2. Keep a record. Note the dates and times, and how long the noise lasts. Take short videos from your home so the sound and the time are clear.
3. File a report with LASEPA. Use the official portal to report an environmental infraction. Give the full address, the type of noise and when it happens, and attach your videos. The agency asks people to “provide as much information as you can.”
4. Call or email if you prefer. LASEPA lists 0704 635 1295, 0815 045 8638 and 0815 045 8639 on its website, plus info@lasepa.gov.ng.
5. Report one-off events while they happen. For a loud party or vigil, file the complaint that night, so your videos and the report carry the same time.
6. Get your neighbours to report too. Several complaints about the same place carry more weight than one.
7. Track and follow up. LASEPA says you can follow a complaint’s progress on the portal. If nothing changes, report again with fresh dates.

What Happens Next

LASEPA can check the premises, warn the owners and, in serious cases, seal them until they comply. Notably, the Surulere case started with one resident’s complaint on X. keep it legal and peaceful. Don’t confront anyone yourself, and don’t damage property. Let the agency do its job.

ALSO READ: LASCOPA Toll-Free Helpline: How to Report Fake Products in Lagos

The post Is Your Neighbourhood Church or Mosque Too Loud? How to Report Noise in Lagos appeared first on NBG Africa.

But, as mentioned, something rather interesting is happening in Dakar, Senegal.

A group of Nigerian teenagers have turned the 2026 Youth Olympic Games into their personal audition, delivering record-breaking performances, historic victories and enough excitement to remind Nigerians that the country’s sporting future might not be as gloomy as it sometimes appears.

From a 15-year-old sprinter who is already rewriting records to a 16-year-old quarter-miler making history, Nigeria’s rising stars at Dakar 2026 are providing a refreshing reminder that sporting talent in the country has hardly disappeared.

And the interesting part? Some of these youngsters are only getting started.

Nigeria’s Rising Stars at Dakar 2026: 5 Young Athletes Making History

Gift Bright: The schoolboy who became Nigeria’s sprint sensation

At 15, Gift Bright has already achieved something Nigerian athletics has waited years to celebrate: winning the men’s 100m title at the Youth Olympic Games.

Bright stormed to victory in 10.28 seconds, setting a new Games record and becoming the first Nigerian male athlete to win the event at the competition. He finished ahead of China’s Zhang Hangyu, who clocked 10.57 seconds, and Poland’s Szymon Dolega, who settled for bronze in 10.61 seconds.

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However, Bright’s journey to international recognition did not begin in some sophisticated athletics academy with expensive equipment and an army of sports scientists.

A school relay race at Osadenis Mixed Secondary School in Asaba, Delta State, did the trick.

Coach Terry Irivieda spotted his talent during the competition and invited him to train. Bright subsequently won the boys’ 200m at the 2024 National Youth Games, representing Delta State, in 22.35 seconds.

His rise has not been entirely smooth, either. The teenager reportedly struggled with a thigh injury in the weeks before Dakar, making his eventual victory even sweeter.

Now, with a Games record under his belt, Bright has given Nigerian athletics another name worth following.

Rosemary Nwankwo: Nigeria’s sprint queen completes historic double

If Bright supplied the fireworks in the men’s race, Rosemary Chigozie Nwankwo made sure the women did not miss out on the celebration.

The 17-year-old won the women’s 100m gold in 11.16 seconds, completing a remarkable Nigerian sprint double in Dakar. She finished ahead of the United Arab Emirates’ Arwa Ali, who clocked 11.41 seconds, while Qatar’s Dana Salem took bronze in 11.48 seconds.

Nwankwo’s triumph also continued a Nigerian tradition in the event. Josephine Omaka won the inaugural Youth Olympic women’s 100m title in Singapore in 2010, while Rosemary Chukwuma repeated the feat in Buenos Aires in 2018.

There is another interesting detail about Nwankwo’s performance. Her winning time came with a wind reading of +2.4 metres per second, above the permitted +2.0m/s limit for record purposes. That technicality does not take away her gold medal, though.

More importantly, Nigeria became the first country to win both the men’s and women’s 100m titles at the same edition of the Youth Olympic Games.

Not a bad weekend’s work for two teenagers.

Praise Ugoh: The 16-year-old making Nigerian 400m history

While Bright and Nwankwo dominated the shorter sprints, Praise Ugoh provided another reason for Nigerians to celebrate.

The 16-year-old won the women’s 400m gold medal on November 9, becoming Nigeria’s first-ever female 400m champion at the Youth Olympic Games. Ugoh clocked a personal-best 52.76 seconds, narrowly beating Venezuela’s Osmary Pacheco, who finished in 52.85 seconds. Aisha Muhammed of the UAE took bronze in 53.06 seconds.

What makes the achievement particularly impressive is how much she improved between the semi-final and final. After recording 54.38 seconds in the semi-final, Ugoh returned the following day to produce a much faster performance and secure the biggest victory of her young career.

At 16, she has already announced herself on an international stage. The challenge now is to build on that achievement rather than allow one spectacular afternoon to become the highlight of her career.

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Rita Ezeh and Obanla Ehuwa: The youngsters who also deserve attention

Not every promising athlete gets to stand on a podium, and Nigeria’s other emerging talents in Dakar deserve recognition too.

Rita Chisom Ezeh competed in the women’s 400m hurdles, finishing seventh in her semi-final heat in 1:01.66.

Although she missed out on the final, she improved considerably on her previous personal best of 1:05.63. That is a difference of almost four seconds, which is hardly something to dismiss.

Then there is Obanla Ehuwa, who represented Nigeria in the men’s high jump.

Ehuwa cleared 1.97 metres to finish eighth in the final, improving on his previous personal best of 1.95 metres.

Neither athlete secured a medal, but international competitions are not exclusively about collecting shiny objects. For young athletes, competing against international opposition, improving personal records and learning to handle pressure are all valuable parts of development.

Nigeria’s rising stars Dakar 2026: Three gold medals tell a bigger story

The performances of Bright, Nwankwo and Ugoh have given Nigeria three athletics gold medals at Dakar 2026.

But the significance extends beyond the medal table.

The Youth Olympic Games provide a platform for athletes aged up to 17 to compete internationally, develop their skills and gain experience that could eventually prepare them for senior competitions.

Dakar 2026 is particularly significant because it is the first Olympic sporting event ever hosted on African soil. The competition runs from October 31 to November 13, bringing together approximately 2,700 young athletes from around the world across 25 competition sports.

Nigeria’s preparations also involved a 21-day training camp, medical screening, anti-doping education and technical preparation, according to the Federal Ministry of Information. The Nigerian contingent featured athletes across six sports, including athletics, swimming, table tennis, boxing, road cycling and beach volleyball.

That broader representation matters. Nigeria needs to develop talent across several sporting disciplines rather than depend on athletics and football to do all the heavy lifting.

Nigeria’s rising stars Dakar 2026: Can these victories turn into something bigger?

Here is where the real conversation begins.

Nigeria has never suffered from a complete absence of sporting talent. The country has produced Olympic champions, world-class sprinters, footballers, basketball players and athletes who have represented the nation with distinction.

The bigger problem has often been what happens after these talents announce themselves.

Young athletes need consistent coaching, quality facilities, medical support, international exposure and financial backing. They also need administrators who understand that developing a champion requires considerably more than organising a competition, taking photographs and issuing congratulatory statements.

Bright, Nwankwo and Ugoh have given Nigeria something worth celebrating. But their achievements should also serve as a reminder that identifying talent is only the beginning. If the country can provide the right environment, these teenagers could become serious contenders at senior African championships, World Athletics competitions and eventually the Olympic Games.

For now, Nigeria’s rising stars at Dakar 2026 have done their part. They have won medals, broken records and given the country a glimpse of what its next generation could achieve.

The responsibility now falls on those managing Nigerian sports to ensure these victories do not become another collection of forgotten headlines.

After all, it would be rather embarrassing to discover that the biggest obstacle standing between Nigeria’s teenage champions and future Olympic glory is the same old administrative wahala.

ALSO READ: 11 Nollywood Couples Who Found Love Behind the Camera

The post Nigeria’s Rising Stars at Dakar 2026 Youth Olympics: Meet The Teenagers Giving Nigerian Sports Fresh Hope appeared first on NBG Africa.

Google advised affected users to act now by changing their passwords and revoking suspicious login sessions. ‘Users can invalidate stolen sessions by removing malware from the affected device and revoking active sessions,’ a Google spokesperson told Cybernews.

However, Hudson Rock, an Israeli cybersecurity company specialising in infostealer malware, warned that changing a password is essential but may not be sufficient if hackers have established other ways to access an account.

According to the Daily Mail, some users of the tool say the malware’s access continues even after you change your Google password or close your browser.

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What Google is Saying

Google pushed back suggestions that the malware exploits a previously unknown security flaw in Gmail.

“There is no Gmail or Google vulnerability at play here,” a Google spokesperson told CyberNews.

The company insists this is the usual problem of malware stealing session information from an infected computer. Still, the claims are serious enough that experts are telling people to act immediately.

What You Should Do With Your Gmail Now

Like most of these threats, Remus usually gets onto your device through shady downloads or random links people share. Once it’s on your computer or phone, it can quietly collect data while you’re signed into Gmail.

If you use Gmail, do the following now:

• Change your Google password, but do it from a clean device (not the one you suspect might be infected).
• Sign out of all sessions. Go to your Google Account and sign out of any unfamiliar devices your account is linked to.
• Check for suspicious activity. Look at email forwarding, filters, and any third-party apps that have access to your account. Revoke anything you don’t recognise.
• Enable 2-Step Verification or use passkeys if you can.
• Scan your devices with a reputable antivirus and remove any malware.
• Secure other accounts like banks, Instagram, Twitter/X, shopping apps, etc., that use your Gmail for password resets.
• Google also recommends turning on Enhanced Safe Browsing in Chrome and being extra careful about what you download.

If you use Gmail for everything, from bank alerts and OTP codes to work emails, WhatsApp backups, or those private chats, this is your urgent wake-up call.

SEE ALSO: Wangiri Scams: What Nigerian Phone Users Should Know Before They Call Back

The post Gmail Security Alert: How to Protect Your Account From Remus Stealer Malware appeared first on NBG Africa.

From tubers of yam and gallons of palm wine to kola nuts, wrappers, goats and other traditional gifts, the Igbo marriage list is an important part of the journey to matrimony. For some prospective grooms, however, it can also be a daunting exercise.

Although the customs differ across Igbo communities, one thing remains clear: traditional marriage carries deep cultural significance. Every item, payment and ceremony tells a story about family, respect, hospitality and the joining of two households.

How the Igbo Traditional Marriage Process Begins

The journey usually begins when a young man informs his family that he wishes to marry a particular woman. His parents and relatives then arrange a visit to the woman’s family. This initial visit is commonly known as Iku Aka, which loosely translates to knocking on the door.

The groom’s family formally announces their intention and seeks permission to proceed with the marriage discussions. Depending on the community, there may be another visit before the bride’s family presents its traditional marriage requirements.

The bride’s consent is also important. In many communities, she is invited to confirm that she knows the prospective groom and wishes to marry him.

Once both families agree to proceed, the next stage begins. This is where the much-discussed traditional marriage list comes into the picture.

What Is on the Igbo Marriage List?

There is no single marriage list that applies to every Igbo community. Requirements vary from one town to another and sometimes from one family to another. Nevertheless, certain items appear frequently.

A typical list may include:

• Tubers of yam, bags of rice and beans.
• Palm wine, assorted drinks and bottles of hot drinks.
• Kola nuts and alligator pepper.
• Goats, poultry and other livestock.
• Stockfish, salt, palm oil and cooking ingredients.
• Wrappers, George fabrics, blouses and head ties.
• Jewellery, shoes, handbags and other personal gifts.
• Cash gifts for designated family members and traditional groups.

These items are not simply provisions for a wedding party. They represent hospitality, generosity and respect for the bride’s family.

In some communities, the list also contains separate requirements for the bride’s father, mother, paternal relatives (Umunna), and daughters of the kindred (Umuada). Other groups may also have designated items.

Some families present one list, while others issue requirements in stages. These may be called the first, second and even third lists. The subsequent lists can contain additional items or clarify what the groom’s family must provide before the marriage rites can proceed.

In recent times, some families have also agreed to accept the monetary equivalent of certain items. This makes transportation and preparation easier, especially when the groom lives far away.

When the Marriage List Becomes a Financial Challenge

For many prospective grooms, fulfilling the traditional marriage requirements involves considerable planning and financial preparation.

Some communities in Imo State, particularly parts of Mbaise, have become associated with elaborate marriage lists. These may contain extensive provisions for different family groups, alongside cash gifts and other customary obligations.

However, it is important to distinguish between the bride price and the total cost of fulfilling the marriage list. They are not the same thing.

Interestingly, the official bride price in Mbaise has been documented in a 2025 academic study as just ₦60. This illustrates how a modest symbolic bride price can exist alongside extensive customary requirements.

The financial expectations have also generated conversations among young people. Some complain that elaborate lists make marriage unnecessarily expensive. There are even claims that some young men consider marrying from other states to avoid what they perceive as demanding Igbo marriage requirements. And this raise an important question: should cultural traditions become a financial barrier to marriage?

READ ALSO: August Meeting 2026: What’s New, What’s Trending and What’s Happening

Ugwo Isi: The Symbolic Settlement of the Bride Price

One important part of an Igbo traditional marriage is the settlement of the bride price, commonly known in some communities as ugwo isi.

Unlike the long list of items presented by the groom’s family, the bride price is often negotiated separately. In many communities, the initial amount may be deliberately haggled over, sometimes with the bride’s family appearing reluctant to accept the first offer. The discussions may involve some friendly bargaining before both families eventually agree on a symbolic amount.

The final amount varies from one community and family to another. In some places, the settlement takes place days or weeks before the Igba Nkwu. In others, the families conclude the negotiations on the very day of the traditional wedding.

Although the amount may be modest, its significance is much greater than its monetary value. The payment represents the groom’s family’s formal recognition of the marriage and the bride’s family’s acceptance of the union. It also marks an important stage in the process of welcoming the bride into her new family.

For many brides, the settlement carries a special sense of pride. It is not unusual to hear a prospective bride proudly declare, “Akwụgo ụgwọ isi m” — meaning, “My bride price has been paid.”

That simple statement carries cultural and emotional weight. It reflects the recognition of her marriage by both families and the fulfilment of an important customary obligation.

However, it is worth noting that the bride price should not be confused with the entire cost of the traditional marriage. It is only one part of a wider process involving family negotiations, customary gifts and the celebration itself.

Ultimately, the value of ugwo isi lies not in how much money changes hands, but in the agreement, respect and family acceptance it represents.

Inu Mmanya and Igba Nkwu: Celebrating the Union

Although many Igbo communities refer to the main traditional marriage celebration as Igba Nkwu, the customs and names differ across the region.

In Onitsha, for instance, the marriage rites follow a distinctive sequence. The introduction is an important part of the process, but families do not necessarily follow the same formal list-presentation arrangement found in some other communities.

The main celebration is commonly known as Inu Mmanya. During the ceremony, the agreed bride price is settled and the customary gifts are presented. There are designated provisions for the bride’s parents, her father’s kinsmen and the Umuada, among others.

In Onitsha, the customary bride price has traditionally been a symbolic amount. Older generations recall the figure of ₦54, while more recent accounts put it at approximately ₦100. Actual arrangements should, however, be confirmed with the families concerned.

In many other Igbo communities, the Igba Nkwu ceremony provides the grand public celebration of the marriage.

One of its most beautiful moments is the wine-carrying ceremony.

The bride receives a cup or calabash of palm wine, usually from her father or another designated family elder. She then walks among the guests in search of her groom, who may playfully hide among the crowd.

When she eventually finds him, she offers him the wine. He drinks it, and the gathering erupts in applause and celebration. The couple then receives prayers and blessings from their families.

It is a moment filled with excitement, music, dancing and emotion. More importantly, it publicly identifies the man the bride has chosen to marry.

The Bride’s Outings: A Celebration of Beauty and Heritage

Another striking feature of many Igbo traditional weddings is the bride’s different appearances during the ceremony.

The first outing often allows her to greet the guests and showcase her traditional attire. The second may involve the wine-carrying ceremony, where she appears in another beautiful outfit.

Some brides also have a third outing, depending on the family’s programme and the community’s customs.

Accompanied by their friends and asoebi groups, brides often change outfits, adorn themselves with beads and dance to traditional music. These appearances add colour and excitement to the celebration.

From beautifully tied wrappers to elaborate George fabrics, coral beads and carefully styled hair, the bride becomes a stunning representation of Igbo cultural elegance.

The Umuada: The Women Who Give the Marriage Their Blessings

An Igbo traditional marriage also celebrates the Umuada, the daughters of a kindred who hold an important position in family and community affairs.

Their role goes beyond receiving items on the traditional marriage list. They participate in the ceremony, offer prayers and blessings to the bride, and welcome her into a new chapter of life.

However, different Igbo communities follow different customs regarding Umuada membership and participation.

In some communities in Anambra State, including Onitsha and Agulu, a woman becomes a daughter of the kindred by birth. However, she does not automatically join the organised Umuada association. This association holds meetings, participates in family decisions and carries out collective responsibilities. A woman joins the organised group after marriage and fulfils her customary obligations, including presenting the items on the Umuada marriage list.

These requirements commonly include soap, salt and other household provisions. Depending on the family, the list may also include trays, plates and buckets.

During the Igba Nkwu, the Umuada usually gather under a designated canopy. They enjoy the food and drinks that the bride’s family provides. Their meal may include akpu or semolina served with egusi or, quite commonly in some communities, onugbu (bitterleaf) soup. Some families also serve jollof rice, while others offer white rice and stew. The family usually places drinks in coolers for the women to share.

In return, the Umuada bless the bride and present her with a gift that their association’s constitution specifies. This exchange goes beyond fulfilling a marriage requirement. It represents the women’s recognition of the union and their goodwill towards the bride as she begins married life.

In Ezeagu, Enugu State, however, the tradition follows a different pattern. Here, a woman joins the Umuada by birth, rather than through marriage. Being born into the kindred gives her membership.

Nevertheless, the Umuada also play an active role during the Igba Nkwu. One distinctive custom involves Ankara fabrics. The women bring out a box and place the fabrics inside as gifts for the bride.

These differences reflect the diversity of Igbo marriage customs. Although communities vary in their membership rules, marriage requirements and ceremonial practices, the Umuada remain an important part of the celebration. Through their participation, gifts and blessings, they affirm the family’s support as the bride begins a new chapter of her life.

Idu Uno: Taking the Bride to Her New Home

The marriage celebrations do not always end with the public ceremony. In Igbo land, Idu Uno is another significant tradition that marks the bride’s transition into her new home.

The ceremony involves escorting the bride to her husband’s home with household gifts provided by her family. These may include kitchen utensils, household appliances, food provisions, clothes and other essentials to help the couple establish their new home.

Beyond the material gifts, Idu Uno carries a deeper message. The bride’s family sends her into this new chapter with their love, blessings and practical support.

Keeping the Tradition Beautiful

Igbo traditional marriage remains one of the most colourful expressions of the people’s cultural identity. It brings families together and creates opportunities to celebrate ancestry, hospitality and shared values.

However, traditions also evolve. Families increasingly negotiate marriage requirements to reflect modern economic realities. Some reduce the quantities of items, accept monetary equivalents or simplify ceremonies to make the process less burdensome.

These changes need not diminish the beauty of the occasion.

After all, the purpose of traditional marriage is not to exhaust the groom financially or turn a family celebration into a competition over who can demand the most. It is to unite two people with the goodwill and blessings of their families.

From the kola nuts that welcome visitors to the palm wine that seals the celebration, every tradition tells a story.

And perhaps the most beautiful part of an Igbo marriage is not the length of the list or the number of gifts presented. It is the moment two families come together, celebrate love and welcome a new member into their fold.

The post From Kola Nuts to Bride Price: The Beautiful Traditions of Igbo Marriage appeared first on NBG Africa.

On November 6, 2026, the Goma Garrison Military Court sentenced 66 soldiers from the Congolese army’s 3415th Regiment to death after finding them guilty of cowardice, military mutiny and refusing to obey orders during operations in eastern Congo.

The trial, which took place in Walikale, North Kivu Province, involved 71 soldiers. Four walked free after the court acquitted them, while another received a 10-year prison sentence after benefiting from substantial mitigating circumstances.

According to the 34th Military Region, the verdict forms part of efforts to restore discipline within the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC), which continues to struggle against rebel advances.

But why has Congo resorted to sentencing dozens of its own soldiers to death, and what does this say about the country’s increasingly complicated military crisis?

Why DRC sentenced 66 soldiers to death

The case originated from incidents in Ntoto village, within Walikale territory, where soldiers allegedly abandoned their positions during clashes involving the Front for the Refoundation of the Nation (FRN), a rebel coalition that includes M23.

Authorities arrested the soldiers on October 20, 2026, in Ngora village after incidents involving troops returning from the frontline. Reports indicate that a confrontation involving military police and soldiers escalated into gunfire, leaving one soldier and one civilian dead.

Military prosecutors accused the troops of abandoning their responsibilities, rebelling against military authority and refusing to follow orders during a period of active fighting. After 12 days of proceedings, the court handed down 66 death sentences.

For the Congolese military leadership, the message appears straightforward. Soldiers cannot abandon their positions, disobey commanders or undermine military operations without facing severe consequences.

However, the scale of the punishment has raised questions about whether executing soldiers can solve an army’s deeper problems.

SEE ALSO: INEC Removes Over 1.6m Invalid Voter Records, Flags 54 Personnel in 10 States

DR Congo soldiers sentenced to death: 381 soldiers face execution since 2025

The Walikale verdict is not an isolated incident. It forms part of a growing campaign of military prosecutions as Congo struggles to contain rebel advances.

Figures compiled by French broadcaster Radio France Internationale (RFI) show that military courts have convicted at least 507 soldiers since the beginning of 2025, with 381 receiving death sentences across eight major trials. In October 2026, another 27 soldiers reportedly received death sentences for withdrawing during clashes with AFC/M23 rebels.

Other proceedings have produced similarly severe punishments. In Uvira, South Kivu, 45 soldiers received death sentences, while three officers in Beni also received capital punishment for desertion and violating military instructions.

Meanwhile, a separate trial in Kisangani resulted in 58 soldiers receiving three-year prison sentences.

These cases reveal how aggressively military authorities are pursuing troops accused of abandoning their positions as rebels capture territory in eastern Congo.

Why Congo brought back the death penalty in 2024

To understand the latest verdict, it is important to understand Congo’s controversial decision to restore capital punishment.

The country maintained a moratorium on executions from 2003 until March 2024, effectively suspending the implementation of death sentences for two decades. However, the government of President Félix Tshisekedi reversed the policy, arguing that capital punishment could help tackle treason, espionage and infiltration within the military.

Justice Minister Rose Mutombo said the decision would help eliminate traitors within the armed forces and strengthen the country’s response to armed rebellion.

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The announcement attracted criticism from human rights organisations, particularly Amnesty International, which warned that Congo’s troubled judicial system could expose innocent people to execution following unfair trials.

Despite restoring capital punishment, Congo has not officially carried out executions since 2003, according to Amnesty International.

Consequently, the 66 soldiers have received death sentences, but that does not mean authorities have executed them.

DRC’s military crisis goes beyond cowardice and mutiny

While military commanders blame indiscipline for battlefield setbacks, Congo’s military crisis involves problems that punishment alone may not resolve.

The FARDC has faced longstanding criticism over poor organisation, inadequate equipment, weak leadership and soldiers’ welfare. The country’s reliance on various armed groups and local militias to fight M23 has also complicated its military strategy.

A United Nations Group of Experts report documented operational support that FARDC and allied groups received from the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and FDLR-aligned groups.

The FDLR, which includes individuals linked to the 1994 Rwandan genocide, has become a major point of tension between Kinshasa and Kigali.

Rwanda accuses Congo of cooperating with the militia, while the Congolese government has maintained that its arrangements with the group concern disarmament and demobilisation.

Meanwhile, M23 continues to challenge government control across North and South Kivu, despite diplomatic efforts and ceasefire agreements.

For the 66 soldiers in Walikale, the immediate future now rests on the judicial process surrounding their convictions.

For Congo, the bigger question is whether threatening its own troops with execution will finally strengthen an army that has struggled for years to contain an increasingly powerful rebellion.

ALSO READ: Lagos Crime Index: See Where Lagos Ranks Among the Most Dangerous Cities in the World

The post Inside DR Congo’s Decision to Sentence 66 Soldiers to Death for Cowardice appeared first on NBG Africa.

Simeon shared the news on his Facebook page and anticipated the backlash. He wrote that he knew he was “very controversial”, and he invited critics to “throw stones” at a pastor who married a Muslim woman and sent her to Mecca.

“Your Deeds, Not Your Religion”: The Statement at the Centre of the Row

The pastor did not stop at announcing the trip. He also declared that on the last day, people’s deeds, not their religion, will stand for them. He ended his caption by saying he was happy.

That single line triggered the fiercest reactions. Many commenters focused less on the marriage itself and more on what the statement implied about Christian teaching.

“Just escorted mummy Jamal( my wife and baby) to Abuja international airport they are traveling to Saudi for Umrah…I know I am very controversial hahaha. A pastor marrying to a Muslim and sending her to Macca yes and yes, start throwing stones on me oooohahaha.. On the last day your deeds not your religion shall stand for you….I AM HAPPY,” he wrote in his caption.

Internet React to Muslim Woman Marrying Pastor

The post sent the internet into overdrive. Users questioned why a Muslim woman would marry a pastor, and they asked why the pastor felt no worry about marrying a Muslim and escorting her to Mecca. Simeon had addressed that reaction in advance, and he made clear he did not care what people said.

READ ALSO: ‘I Would Gladly Give My Daughter in Marriage to a Traditional Worshipper’ –  Muslim Father

Netizens Weigh In: Here Is What Commenters Said

@Awans Friday Asks What Jesus Died For

@Awans Friday challenged the pastor directly. He questioned how a pastor could say that deeds will stand for a person on judgement day, and he asked what Jesus died for. In his view, a true believer in Christ and a pastor should not make such a statement.

@Khadija Muhd Questions the Marriage Under Islamic Law

@Khadija Muhd, a Muslim commenter, approached the issue from an Islamic perspective. She argued that Islam does not accept the marriage. According to her, Islamic teaching allows such a union only when the husband is Muslim and the wife is Christian. She added that she does not fear speaking the truth.

READ ALSO: Can a Nigerian Man Marry a Second Wife Without First Wife’s Consent? What the Law says

@Marcus Victor Says Pastors Carry a Higher Responsibility

@Marcus Victor offered the longest response. He insisted that the controversy goes beyond being controversial, because Dr Simeon holds the office of a pastor. He argued that a spiritual leader must uphold the doctrines he professes, and that his public conduct therefore carries weight.

@Marcus Victor acknowledged that Christianity teaches love, tolerance and respect for people of other faiths. However, he warned against treating those virtues as a reason to compromise one’s faith or to treat religious convictions as unimportant.

He described the “deeds, not religion” remark as particularly problematic coming from a spiritual leader. Pastor pointed to Ephesians 2:8-9, which teaches that grace through faith in Jesus Christ saves a person, not good deeds alone.

He also stressed that Christians should not disrespect Muslims or stop anyone from practising their religion. Even so, he said Christian love must not serve as an excuse for theological compromise. He concluded that his concern lies with the message a pastor sends, and he urged believers to love everyone and respect every religion without diluting the faith they preach.

READ ALSO: Polygamy in Islam: Why Young Muslim Women Are Increasingly Saying No

The post Pastor Simeon Drives Muslim Wife to Airport for Umrah, Tells Critics to Throw Stones appeared first on NBG Africa.

The four Igbo market days

The traditional Igbo calendar is commonly organised around a four-day cycle: Eke, Orie or Oye, Afo or Afor, and Nkwo. These were not only trading days. They also shaped travel, farming activities, community meetings, ceremonies and religious observances.

The order in which communities begin the cycle, the spelling of each day and the customs attached to them can differ. A 2026 study of Igbo names in Genealogy likewise stresses that names can carry ancestry, social experience and community identity across different Igbo settings.

ALSO SEE: Outrageous ₦12 Million Bride Price Exposes Crisis in Nigerian Matchmaking

Naming is also a community and spiritual tradition

An ethnographic study of the Igbo naming ceremony by Chinwe Miriam Agatha Nwoye describes naming as a communal rite involving family and the wider social world. A market-day name could therefore commemorate a birth, express a family’s connection to the day’s spiritual meaning or preserve an ancestral association.

Igbo communities do not all practise these traditions in exactly the same way. Some attach particular observances or spiritual ideas to specific days, while others place greater emphasis on trade, farming or social gatherings. It is more accurate to describe a shared cultural framework with local interpretations than to present one custom as universal.

Why Okeke, Okafor and Nwoye can be surnames

Many market-day names began as personal names but later became inherited family names. That means a person called Okafor may carry an ancestral connection to Afo without having been born on Afo day. The same applies to Okeke, Nweke, Nwoye, Okorie, Okonkwo and Nwankwo.

Market-day names have also survived in place names, literature and family histories. They show how the old calendar linked commerce with belonging, memory and identity.

Eke, Orie, Afo and Nkwo were more than points on a trading schedule. They helped organise time, movement, social life and ceremony in many Igbo communities. Names such as Okeke, Okafor and Nwoye carried that cultural rhythm into personal identity.

Their spellings and meanings may vary by dialect and community, but the central idea remains: an Igbo name can preserve the day, family and social world into which a person was born.

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The post Eke, Orie, Afo, Nkwo: How Igbo Market Days Shaped Names Like Okeke, Okafor and Nwoye appeared first on NBG Africa.

People often use Omugwo as a broad label. Yet families do not follow one fixed routine. Community, faith, health, money and family relationships shape the arrangement. A 2026 Guardian overview of Nigerian birth traditions describes Omugwo alongside related Yoruba customs such as Ojojo Omo.

What Omugwo means after childbirth

Omugwo gives the mother, baby and household a period of practical care. The caregiver may stay for several weeks or longer. Some relatives visit during the day. Others share the work in turns.

The arrangement reduces the physical and mental load of the first weeks after birth. The older caregiver handles much of the cooking, cleaning and household work. She also helps with the baby. That support gives the new mother time to sleep, eat, heal, bond with her baby and regain confidence.

Families often ask the baby’s maternal grandmother to lead Omugwo. However, another woman can take the role when circumstances require it. A mother-in-law may help when the new mother’s own mother cannot come. An aunt, older sister or trusted family friend may also step in.

Family relationships and practical needs shape each arrangement. No single rule governs every Igbo household. Some mothers welcome a long stay. Others prefer visits, shared duties and more privacy.

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What the caregiver actually does

The caregiver usually starts with the household. She cooks for the new mother and the wider family. She washes clothes, cleans the home and organises meals. She may also fetch water or help manage visitors.

These tasks give the new mother room to focus on herself and the baby. She does not have to return to every domestic responsibility immediately after childbirth.

The caregiver also helps with the baby. She may bathe, dress, soothe, carry and watch the child while the mother sleeps or eats. An experienced grandmother can show the new mother how to hold the baby, change clothes and settle the child.

She may also share advice about feeding, hygiene, rest and family expectations. This guidance can help a first-time mother feel less anxious. It can also help an experienced mother manage the demands of another birth.

Omugwo includes emotional support as well. The older woman listens, offers reassurance and keeps the mother company. She may receive relatives who come to congratulate the family. She can organise food and limit pressure on the new mother during busy visits.

Food, warm water and other routines

Many families treat food as an important part of Omugwo. Depending on the locality and family, the new mother may eat pepper soup, pap, yam, vegetable soups or other familiar dishes. Recipes differ widely. No single dish represents what every Igbo mother eats.

Some families also use warm-water bathing, massage or other body-care routines. These practices can carry deep cultural meaning. However, they do not guarantee medical recovery. Very hot water, forceful massage and unverified herbs can cause harm.

The new mother can refuse anything painful or uncomfortable. The caregiver should also respect advice from a midwife or doctor. Cultural care should support professional postnatal care, not replace it.

The central gift of Omugwo does not come from one recipe or treatment. It comes from having someone take responsibility for the work around the mother. That support keeps her from managing everything alone after birth.

SEE ALSO: 6 Forgotten Nigerian Traditions That Sound Almost Unbelievable Today

A slight Igbo and Yoruba Omugwo comparison

Igbo and Yoruba families share a broad idea about childbirth. A new mother and her baby need support from older women. The two traditions still have different names, histories and local details.

Omugwo is the Igbo term. In many Igbo families, the mother of the new mum leads the care. She stays for a period and teaches her daughter about the early weeks with a baby. She may cook, clean, bathe the baby, receive visitors and offer guidance about motherhood.

Some families mark the end of Omugwo with gifts or a family gathering. Others keep the period private and practical. The length and closing customs vary by family and community.

In Yoruba communities, related postpartum care often appears under names such as Ojojo Omo or Olojojo. Other families use different local expressions. The central work remains familiar. A mother, mother-in-law or another experienced female relative helps the new mother rest, eat, care for the baby and adjust after childbirth.

Some Yoruba families involve both grandmothers. Others rely on one relative or a wider group of women. Food, timing, prayers, bathing practices and family roles can all change from one household to another.

These traditions share a purpose, but they do not form one identical Nigerian ritual. Omugwo remains an Igbo word. People sometimes use it in English as a general label for Nigerian postpartum support. Yoruba families may use their own language and customs to describe a similar kind of care.

Why the tradition still matters

An open-access study of Ọmụgwọ in southeast Nigeria describes the practice as unpaid postpartum caregiving and mentoring. The researchers interviewed older grandmothers about their experiences. Their findings show that Omugwo involves more than household chores.

The practice gives elders an active role in family life. It also transfers knowledge between generations. At the same time, it creates a circle of care around the mother and baby.

Tradition still needs communication. An older caregiver may hold strong views about bathing, feeding or recovery. The new mother may prefer different methods or follow advice from a healthcare professional. Families can respect tradition while allowing the mother to make informed choices about her body and baby.

At its best, Omugwo does not mean that a grandmother takes over motherhood. It creates a temporary family support system. An experienced woman carries the heavier work while the new mother heals, learns and settles into her new role.

Related Yoruba practices express the same belief in their own cultural language. A new mother and baby should receive care, company and practical help. They should not face the early weeks alone.

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Justice Irele Ifijeh handed down the sentence on Tuesday, November 10, 2026, and ordered Nwabuisi to refund the full amount to the bank, according to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

Nwabuisi converted a sum of N21,939,237.27 that First Bank erroneously credited to his account after a system glitch. He claimed he believed the money was a benefit linked to operating a POS with the bank. However, the court rejected his defence.

The anti-graft agency said that the prosecution counsel presented evidence from a senior First Bank official and an EFCC operative. The judge convicted him, ordered full restitution of the amount to First Bank, and sentenced him to two years in prison without the option of a fine.

This conviction landed just weeks after the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) issued a clear public warning on the same issue.

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CBN’s Clear Warning on Wrong Credit to Bank Account

In October 2026, during a stakeholders’ meeting under the CBN Listens Programme in Ibadan, the apex bank stated that a customer who fails to refund money wrongly deposited into their account risks between five and ten years’ imprisonment.

As reported by NBG Africa, CBN’s warning in simple terms means that unexpected credits do not become your property or yours to keep. You are expected to report them and return the funds through the proper banking process.

Nwabuisi’s two-year sentence and the order to repay the full amount show the real-world consequence. 

What You Should Do If Money is Mistakenly Credited to Your Bank Account

• Do not spend or transfer the money out.
• Contact your bank immediately through official channels and report the credit.
• Cooperate fully with the recovery process. Banks have clear procedures for reversing erroneous transfers when the funds are still available.
• Keep records of every conversation and correspondence with the bank.
• Ignore any stranger who contacts you claiming the money and asking you to send it elsewhere. That is a common follow-up scam.
• If your bank fails to act within the required timelines, you can escalate the matter to the CBN’s Consumer Protection and Financial Inclusion Department.

Money that lands in your account by mistake is not yours to keep.

SEE ALSO: Fake Lawyer Arrested in Ebonyi After 11 Years of Alleged Practice

The post Man Jailed for Spending N21.9m Mistakenly Credited to His Bank Account appeared first on NBG Africa.

For some Nigerians, the sight of soldiers riding what looks like an armoured version of a commercial tricycle popularly called Keke Napep is proof that the government has misplaced its priorities. Others have defended the arrangement, arguing that smaller vehicles can navigate muddy roads, narrow forest paths and difficult terrain where larger military vehicles might struggle.

Only weeks earlier, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) was making headlines over the presentation of brand-new 2026 Toyota Prado SUVs to selected party youth leaders ahead of the 2027 elections.

So, while political mobilisers are getting luxury SUVs, soldiers appear to be making do with something that could easily be mistaken for a Keke driver who took his vehicle to a blacksmith so he could audition for the next Fast and Furious movie.

Nigerian Army armed tricycles trigger online reactions

The footage prompted a mixture of amusement, disbelief and concern across social media.

Some users laughed at the apparent contrast between the military’s heavy responsibilities and the rather unconventional vehicles. Others described the arrangement as a potential “sacrificial lamb” setup, questioning whether soldiers sitting on exposed three-wheelers would have meaningful protection if they came under enemy fire.

The comparison with the APC’s Toyota Prados also became a running joke. Nigerians wondered how a country could find the resources to provide expensive SUVs for political mobilisation but still appear to be improvising when it came to equipment for troops operating in dangerous environments.

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Not everyone agreed with the criticism, however.

Some users argued that soldiers do not always need massive armoured vehicles. They pointed to the practical advantage of motorcycles and other lightweight vehicles in areas where narrow tracks, thick vegetation and muddy roads make conventional military transport difficult.

Others invoked the Second World War, when armies used motorcycles for reconnaissance, communication and movement across battlefields. And that argument is not entirely wrong. But it also needs a little context.

Did soldiers use motorcycles during World War II?

Military motorcycles were widely used during the Second World War. The United States Army, for instance, operated the Harley-Davidson WLA, a military adaptation of a civilian motorcycle.

The US Army Transportation Museum explains that the motorcycles supported reconnaissance, messenger services, police operations and convoy control. They also carried ammunition boxes and equipment.

However, there is a detail that supporters of the tricycle arrangement might want to consider: the museum explicitly notes that the WLA was not designed for combat use. Its limited ground clearance also made it unsuitable for serious off-road operations.

In other words, the fact that soldiers used motorcycles during World War II does not automatically mean every motorcycle-like contraption is suitable for modern warfare.

There is a difference between using a lightweight vehicle to move messages or scout an area and sending exposed soldiers into a firefight with heavy weapons mounted on a three-wheeler. The military application depends on the mission, terrain, weapon system, protection, reliability and tactical support available.

A vehicle that works brilliantly for reconnaissance may be a terrible choice for transporting troops into an ambush.

Nigerian Army has also invested in modern military vehicles

It would be unfair to suggest that the Nigerian Army has abandoned modern military equipment altogether.

In July 2026, defence publication Janes reported that the Army commissioned several locally designed and manufactured vehicles at the Ikeja Military Cantonment in Lagos. They included an upgraded Infantry Patrol Vehicle, a Tactical Patrol Vehicle, a Light Tactical Vehicle and the Proforce Ara 2 mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicle.

The Ara 2 features substantial armour protection designed to help protect occupants against mines and improvised explosive devices.

Earlier that year, the Army also took delivery of locally manufactured Vanquisher Light Armoured Personnel Carriers from the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria.

These developments show that Nigeria is making efforts to improve its military hardware and strengthen local defence manufacturing. However, they do not answer the questions raised by the viral tricycle footage. The Army has not publicly explained the specific purpose, protection level or operational status of the vehicles shown in the clip.

Until it provides that context, both the criticism and the defence of the arrangement remain partly speculative.

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From Toyota Prados to armed tricycles: Nigeria’s spending priorities

The comparison with political gifts is where the conversation becomes particularly uncomfortable.

In October 2026, APC National Youth Leader Dayo Israel shared a video showing seven brand-new Toyota Land Cruiser Prado SUVs presented to selected party youth leaders to support mobilisation ahead of the 2027 general elections.

The post attracted widespread criticism and was subsequently deleted.

First Lady Oluremi Tinubu later confirmed that she donated vehicles to the APC National Youth Wing, alongside campaign materials and other items. Israel also said the vehicles would help party mobilisers reach rural communities.

He did not disclose the full cost of the vehicles. However, BusinessDay estimated that a 2026 Prado could cost between ₦120 million and ₦160 million, depending on the specification and dealer.

The APC youth leader separately told the ICIR that the seven vehicles came from donors rather than government allocations.

That distinction matters. There is no established evidence that the particular Prado donation came directly from the public purse. Nevertheless, the spectacle raises questions about the culture of expensive political patronage in a country where public institutions routinely struggle to meet basic needs.

And this is not an isolated debate.

Lawmakers, luxury SUVs and generous political benefits

In June 2026, Premium Times reported that a Federal High Court in Lagos had declared the National Assembly’s controversial ₦110 billion vehicle procurement and allowance schemes unlawful.

The procurement covered Toyota Land Cruisers for 109 senators and Toyota Prado SUVs for 360 members of the House of Representatives, with individual vehicle costs reportedly exceeding ₦100 million.

The court held that the expenditure violated procurement laws, constitutional provisions and principles of public trust. Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, however, defended the vehicles as official assets intended for constituency work rather than personal gifts.

There is also the question of lawmakers’ remuneration.

The Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has previously stated that a senator’s prescribed monthly salary and allowances total ₦1,063,860, excluding certain non-regular payments such as furniture allowance and severance gratuity.

That official figure is worth noting because claims that every senator receives ₦13.5 million monthly as a prescribed salary and allowance package have circulated widely. RMAFC specifically disputed that claim.

The broader issue, however, is not simply how much politicians earn. It is the combination of official remuneration, additional benefits, vehicle procurement and the wider culture of political incentives that often attracts public criticism.

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Nigeria’s security and education budgets are not small

There is another important qualification to the argument that government spends lavishly on politicians but refuses to fund essential services.

President Bola Tinubu’s 2026 budget proposal allocated ₦5.41 trillion to defence and security, ₦3.52 trillion to education and ₦2.48 trillion to health. These are substantial sums. The government has also highlighted military modernisation, intelligence gathering and locally manufactured equipment as priorities.

The problem, therefore, cannot simply be reduced to the claim that no money goes into security or education.

The more difficult question is whether the money delivers adequate results.

Nigeria continues to battle insurgency, banditry, kidnapping and other forms of insecurity. Schools and healthcare facilities also face persistent challenges, including infrastructure gaps, staffing shortages and uneven access to essential services.

A large budget allocation looks impressive on paper. But soldiers need reliable equipment, teachers need functional classrooms and patients need hospitals that can actually treat them.

A country cannot measure success by how much it announces it will spend. It must also show what that spending has achieved.

The real issue behind the Nigerian Army armed tricycles debate

Ultimately, the Nigerian Army armed tricycles debate is about more than an unusual military vehicle.

Lightweight transport may have a legitimate place in military operations, particularly in difficult terrain. And Nigeria’s recent investment in locally manufactured armoured vehicles shows that the military is not relying exclusively on improvised equipment.

But soldiers operating in dangerous environments deserve vehicles suited to their missions, adequate protection, reliable communications and the equipment necessary to return home safely.

Meanwhile, political parties and public institutions must explain why expensive perks and mobilisation incentives so often appear easier to organise than improvements to essential public services.

If the tricycles are genuinely useful for a specialised operation, the Army should explain their purpose. If they expose soldiers to unnecessary danger, that deserves scrutiny too.

Because the ultimate measure of military modernisation is not whether a vehicle looks expensive or impressive. It is whether it helps soldiers do their jobs and survive.

And perhaps the government should remember that the people defending the country deserve at least as much attention as the people trying to win the next election.

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The post Prado For Politicians, Keke for Soldiers: Nigerian Army Armed Tricycle Sparks Online Debate appeared first on NBG Africa.